The Role of Kurdish Women in Nation-Building

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Nashmil Ali Barznji - نشمیل علی برزنجی

*Lecturer and Researcher at the Kurdistan Institution for Strategic Studies and Scientific Research (KISSR).

The Role of Kurdish Women in Nation-Building


1. Introduction: The Identity Crisis and New Models of Liberation

In this suffocating environment, the emergence of the "Rojava" (Western Kurdistan) model was not just a military development but an explosion of a new consciousness that shattered all regional gender equations. This study highlights how this model has become a mirror for young women in the South to liberate themselves from the "intellectual anesthesia" of the media and capitalism, and to once again become "builders of the nation and educators."

2. The Revolution of Regression: From the Spiritual Authority of the "Lady of the House" to Politico-Religious Marginalization

As detailed in our previous study titled "The Paradox of Kurdish Women's Identity in the South...", Kurdish Sufism, as a religious-cultural system, had provided an "ontological" and spiritual space for women where gender was not an obstacle to attaining the level of "perfection."

It is necessary here to emphasize the theological shift that directly impacted the decline of women's status in the South. Figures such as Bêba Sahêba and Hafsa Khan do not remain merely historical characters; they serve as "epistemological evidence" that the Kurdish social system historically permitted the "sovereignty of women" at the heart of religion. They represented a "cultural religion" in which women were viewed as "guardians of morality" and "decision-making guides," and their spiritual hegemony even overshadowed men.

However, as a negative reaction to the waves of modernity and shifting political equations, the discourse of "political Islam and imported Wahhabism" replaced this cultural Sufism. These new waves introduced a form of "Intellectual Colonization" into Kurdistan, wherein the definition of a woman was reduced from "a human being with a soul and intellect" to a "dangerous concealment (Awrah)." This transformation led to women being downgraded from "human builders" to marginalized domestic beings. This regression was not merely a change in attire but an "epistemological coup" against the historical dignity Kurdish women possessed in their religious authenticity, paving the way for capitalism and the media to easily drive Kurdish women toward "commodification."

3. The Rojava Model and "Jineology": A Revolution in the Heart of Science

The emergence of female fighters in Rojava changed the global image of Kurdish women. However, the significance of this model lies not merely in "taking up arms" but in the science of "Jineology" (Science of Women). When a young girl in the South looks at a female fighter, she does not just see her rifle; she sees the self-confidence that Jineology has bestowed upon her. The fighter tells her: "You are not a commodity, you were not created solely for marriage and cosmetics; you can govern a country and change history."

  • Inspiring the Youth of the South: While a young girl in Southern Kurdistan is under the pressure of "commodification" and led to believe her beauty lies in "makeup and modeling," the Rojava fighter redefined "beauty in freedom and consciousness." This has led to the rise of a new generation in Southern Kurdistan who express their womanhood differently; they no longer wish to be "objects" to satisfy the male gaze, but desire to become political "subjects."

  • Resistance and Building: The Rojava model demonstrated that a woman can simultaneously be a "fighter, thinker, and builder of a new system." This presented a massive challenge to the plastic image constructed by Southern media for women.

4. Media, Soft Power, and "Commodification"

The most dangerous war waged against Kurdish women in the South is the war of "Soft Power." Capitalism, through the media, has stripped women of their human and revolutionary values.

  • Commodification: Kurdish media have intentionally allocated extensive time and space to "fashion and modeling" to anesthetize women's political consciousness. When a woman appears on screens merely as an "instrument of lust and pleasure," society does not allow itself to treat her as a "head of government" or a "great educator."

  • Symbolic Violence: This is a dangerous form of violence where media and politics work together to "belittle women." This triad (media, capitalism, extremist religion) has caused women to waste their time and energy solely within the circle of "beautification," distancing them from the history of nation-building. They have conveyed to the entire society that a woman is merely an "instrument of pleasure," which constitutes the greatest cultural regression.

5. The Crisis of Academia and Fake-Modernity: The Degree as Routine and Mimicry

In Southern Kurdistan, the sphere of education and higher education has been afflicted with a kind of "cognitive sterility," where the degree has transitioned from a tool of intellectual transformation into a "social routine." Although statistics show an increase in female education rates, this does not equate to an increase in "gender and national consciousness."

  • The Phenomenon of Social Mimicry and Academic Accessories: Most women in Southern Kurdistan pursue higher education not out of a deep dive into scientific principles or an understanding of the philosophy of their true rights, but under the pressure of "Social Mimicry." For many women, the university has become an escape from "social unemployment" or an "accessory" to acquire a modern lifestyle. This has turned education into an "empty routine" where the degree is seen as a piece of paper to keep up with friends and family, rather than a cognitive weapon to combat the "anti-woman" ideology suffocating society.

  • Suffocation within the Degree: This "Credentialism" has trapped academic women within the boundaries of bureaucratic and clerical routine. When a woman studies merely for "mimicry" and a "degree," she does not delve into scientific principles and fundamental rights. The result is the creation of a large class of degree-holding women who still think under the hegemony of commodifying media and Salafi religious interpretations. They possess degrees but lack "decision-making consciousness," because their education has not served as an intellectual turning point to transcend the reality in which media and politics have defined women solely as "instruments of pleasure." Therefore, the degree in the South has not only failed to lead to liberation but has become a "modern prison" where women learn to imitate modernity without grasping the essence of modernity and freedom.

6. How Can the Woman of the South Return to Being a Nation-Builder? (A Roadmap for Change)

For the women of Southern Kurdistan to once again become a part of the history of nation-building and education, these strategic transformations must occur:

  1. Building "Independent Knowledge": Women must transition from being "consumers of thought" to "creators of thought." Utilizing the Jineology model to establish independent academic centers that restore the true history of Kurdish women.

  2. Liberation from the Trap of "Commodification": A strong cultural current must be created among the youth that shifts the "expression of womanhood" from "body display" to "scientific and political innovation." Beauty must be redefined through "will."

  3. Strategic Political Participation: Not merely filling parliamentary seats, but reaching decision-making centers. Women must have a plan for "State-building" and religious reform where the "guiding role of women" is respected.

7. Conclusion

The woman of Southern Kurdistan faces a historical test. The model of the Rojava fighters and the "braids revolution" in the East (Iran) have proven that women can be the "center of change." The woman of the South can return to being a builder of the nation and an educator if she decides to no longer be a "media and market commodity" and returns to the epistemological authenticity entrusted to her by history. The path to liberation lies in "political consciousness and intellectual independence," wherein the woman returns to the heart of power and nation-building as a "complete human being."

References:

  1. Dirik, Dilar (2022). The Kurdish Women's Movement: History, Theory, Practice. London: Pluto Press.

  2. Mojab, Shahrzad (2021). Kurdish Women's Struggles: A Feminist Political Economy Perspective.

  3. Fischer-Tahir, Andrea (2020). Gender and State-Building in Iraqi Kurdistan.

  4. Hardi, Choman (2022). Gender-Based Violence and the Conflict in Kurdistan.

  5. Knapp, M., Flach, A., & Ayboğa, E. (2016). Revolution in Rojava: Democratic Autonomy and Women's Liberation in Syrian Kurdistan.

  6. Naqshbandi, Abdullah (2004). Kurdish Folklore Sociology. Erbil: Aras.

  7. Ahmed, Kamal Mazhar (1975). Kurdistan During the Years of the First World War.